Instructions: –
1. Attempt all the questions.
2. Once you have completed all the questions of a particular section click on the submit button for scores and explanations then move to the next sections.
3. For each correct answer, you receive 1 mark. For this mock, there is no negative marking.
English Language
Each set of questions in this section is based on a single passage. Please answer each question based on what is stated or implied in the corresponding passage. In some instances, more than one option may be the answer to the question; in such a case, please choose the option that most accurately and comprehensively answers the question.
When my father, the ideas man, had first proposed the idea of manufacturing to his siblings back in the early 1950s, they had expressed their reservations. In those days, bicycle parts and components were by and large imported. The supplies were tightly controlled by a cartel, comprising of the old British agency houses, which had been passed on to Indian associates post-Independence. These entities doled out supplies on a quota basis. My uncle Om Prakash remembered having to wait for two whole days at the offices of Dunlop (suppliers of tyres and tubes), just to meet the manager.
My father was persuasive. He was confident that they had the knowhow to manufacture bicycles, but that dream would be stillborn if India’s dependence on imported parts and components continued. He proposed that the brothers manufacture their own. Technology and capital were both scarce, they protested. Even before the karigars (artisans) could get down to making components, tools and dyes would have to be created. Everything would have to be done from scratch, on a shoestring budget.
While my uncles Dayanand and Om Prakash were packing up to move to Ludhiana, one of their suppliers, a Muslim by the name of Kareem Deen, was preparing to shift to Pakistan. He manufactured bicycle saddles under a brand name he had created himself. Before he left, Karam Deen went to see his friend Om Prakash Munjal.
What happened next would be a life-changing moment for our family. Uncle Om Prakash asked Kareem Deen whether the Munjals could use that brand name for their business. He agreed. The gesture was typical of the way businesses were run at the time – on reputation, relationships and goodwill. The worth and value of brands and patents were not appreciated or understood. And so, with nothing more than a casual nod, his brand passed to the Munjals. Yes, dear reader, you guessed correctly. It was “Hero”.
Once my uncles came around to the idea of manufacturing, a confident, “Yeh bhi kar lenge” (We can do this too), resounded around the Munjal residence and workplace. It was, of course, easier said than done. After several hits and misses, they finally came up with a product that satisfied all the siblings.
But disaster lurked ahead, one that almost cost the Munjals their business. The welding in some of the bicycle forks cracked and the pipes broke off, with the result that the incensed dealers returned all orders and consignments. The siblings pooled their resources and paid back the affected parties, no questions asked. Their reputation survived, but their pockets were almost empty. The Munjal brothers girded their loins, went back to the design table and perfected the forks.
Quantitative Techniques
Three countries Country-A, Country-B and Country-C sent athletes in three different Olympic events Event-X, Event-Y and Event-Z. In Event-X, Country-A sent 20% more athletes than Event-Y. The ratio of the number of athletes sent by Country-B in Event-Y to that sent by Country-C in Event-Z was 8 : 5. The total number of athletes sent by Country-A in three Olympic events together was 2,270. Country-B sent 350 more athletes than Country-C in Event-Y. In Event-Y, Country-A sent 3/4 of the number of athletes sent by Country-B in the same Olympic event. There was a decrease in 20% of athletes sent from Event-Y to Event-Z by Country-B. The total number of athletes sent in Event-Z by the three countries together was 2,090. The total number of athletes sent by Country-C in the three Olympic events together was 1,250. Country-B sent 540 athletes in Event-X.
Logical Reasoning
Indians are puzzling. Is it their love for denying realities, or ignorance, or innocence or a combination of these that underlies their support for public surveillance? A survey conducted by Common Cause with the Lokniti programme of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies found that a majority of respondents supported government surveillance through the use of CCTV cameras in the belief that it prevented crime. It has been seen that even if CCTV cameras help solve crimes, they may not be able to prevent them. But the support for surveillance is a symptom of a deeper attitude. Government surveillance to contain protests, even with the use of drones, is largely acceptable, just as a similar survey last year revealed large-scale support for internet shutdowns when the government claimed a law and order problem. The support therefore points to acceptance of unilateral moves by the government in the name of security, safety and protection. Inevitably, there is a class aspect to this. Dalits, minorities, adivasis and the poor are against surveillance: they are too often at the receiving end. While there are more people-owned CCTV cameras in rich and middle-class neighbourhoods, it is the government that places them in poor localities. The dominant assumptions are obvious.
The respondents favouring surveillance showed little awareness of the Pegasus spyware. Do Indians not make the connection between surveillance and privacy? Educated Indians seem either ignorant or uncaring of their rights. Personal data can be used by political parties and the government, whether gathered by spying on phones, using face recognition, or tracking movement. Data can be analysed and sold by technological companies. That upper- and middle-class Indians surrender their rights to the government to identify with its interests while creating a distance with the less privileged is dangerous for them too. Are they unaware that without strict regulations regarding data collection and use, their own unflagging vigilance and belief in the equal rights of all, the government and corporate organisations would be given unlimited control of private data?
Legal Reasoning
Every person domiciled in India shall attain the age of majority on his completing the age of eighteen years and not before. A person who is 17 years and 364 days old will be viewed as a minor in the eyes of law. The age of majority has been decided by Indian Majority Act of 1875. However, where a guardian administers the minor’s property the age of majority is considered to be twenty-one. It should be noted that a minor is not permitted by law to enter into any form of a contract. By looking at the Indian law, a minor’s agreement is a void one, meaning thereby that it has no value in the eye of the law, and it is null and void as it cannot be enforced by either party to the contract. This type of agreement will not enjoy legal effect in court of law. And even after he attains majority, the same agreement could not be ratified by him. Therefore, to conclude it can be said that where a minor enters into a contract with a major person, the contract is not enforceable. This effectively means that neither the minor nor the other party can make any claim on the basis of the contract.
In a contract with a minor, if the other party hands over any money or confers any other benefit on the minor, the same shall not be recoverable from the minor unless the other party was deceived by the minor to hand over money or any other benefit. The other party will have to show that the minor misrepresented his/her age, or he was ignorant about the age of the minor and had no reason to believe that the other party is minor and he handed over the benefit on the basis of such representation or belief.
Current Affairs & General Knowledge
In January 2024, Israel’s government launched an ambitious employment scheme aimed at recruiting skilled workers from India to address critical labour shortages in high-demand sectors such as technology, construction, and agriculture. This initiative, presented as a strategic solution to post-Brexit labour market gaps and demographic challenges, was designed to match Indian workers with job vacancies in Israel’s growing economy. The scheme initially appeared promising, leveraging a streamlined recruitment process that included credential verification, brief technical interviews, and online assessments. However, the technical and practical implementation of the scheme has revealed significant shortcomings.
A case in point is that of Aisha Patel, a 32-year-old software developer from Mumbai, who was recruited under the scheme for a senior software engineering role at a leading Israeli tech firm. The selection process involved a preliminary assessment of her academic qualifications and a general technical interview conducted via video call. Despite Patel’s strong background in software development, the job placement process did not include a comprehensive technical skills assessment tailored to the specific technologies and programming languages required by the Israeli employer. Upon her arrival in Israel, Patel was assigned to a project that required advanced expertise in a niche programming language not covered in her initial assessments. This led to immediate difficulties, as Patel struggled with the specific technical demands of the project. The mismatch became evident when it was found that her skills in Python and Java, although robust, were not sufficient for the specialized requirements of the role involving proprietary technologies used by the firm.
The broader implementation of the scheme has similarly faced issues. The reliance on generalized qualification checks and brief interviews has resulted in numerous cases where workers with advanced degrees and certifications are placed in roles that do not fully utilize their skill sets. For example, Indian engineers have been found working in technician roles, while highly qualified professionals with expertise in artificial intelligence have been assigned to basic data entry tasks. This misalignment has been attributed to the lack of rigorous, role-specific skill assessments and inadequate job matching processes.
In response to these challenges, Israeli and Indian authorities are undertaking several measures to rectify the issues. Reforms include the introduction of more detailed, role-specific technical evaluations and the development of a standardized skill assessment framework. This framework aims to ensure that the technical skills of incoming workers are accurately matched with job requirements, thus addressing the current deficiencies and enhancing the efficacy of the employment scheme. These developments have highlighted the importance of a nuanced approach to international recruitment, emphasizing the need for thorough skill assessments and accurate job matching to prevent the inefficiencies and dissatisfaction that have emerged in the current scheme.